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Trump told the prime minister that he had looked up to Reagan, and wanted his relationship with May to be even stronger. There were plenty of reasons to remain cautious, however.


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Committed to leaving the European Union , May came in need of a lifeline but got few details on a trade deal. She and Trump were hardly in lockstep over sanctions on Russia. Both leaders tried hard, but the relationship looked brittle. To celebrate getting through an minute press conference without a diplomatic catastrophe as a victory might seem the definition of setting the bar low.

But it is also a measure of who Britain is now dealing with. It was Wearing a dark suit, red tie and an American flag badge, the president moved a lamp so reporters could have a better view of the bust. Being the first global leader to meet Trump was fraught with risk. They only found out that a formal press conference would take place when Spicer tweeted about it. Significantly, except for U. Secretary of State Alexander Haig , the U. Department of State was not included in the loan-out negotiations.

In Washington asked permission to use British airbases in order to bomb Libya in retaliation for the West Berlin discotheque bombing by Libyan terrorists that killed two U. The British cabinet was opposed and Thatcher herself was worried it would lead to widespread attacks on British interests in the Middle East.

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan

That did not happen, and instead Libyan terrorism fell off sharply. Furthermore, although British public opinion was highly negative, Britain won widespread praise in the United States at a time when Spain and France had vetoed American requests to fly over their territories. A more serious disagreement came in when Washington did not consult with London on the invasion of Grenada. The intervention was opposed by Commonwealth members including the United Kingdom , Trinidad and Tobago , and Canada , among others.

Reagan told her it might happen; she did not know for sure it was coming until three hours before. At on the morning of the invasion, Thatcher sent a message to Reagan:. This action will be seen as intervention by a Western country in the internal affairs of a small independent nation, however unattractive its regime. I must ask you to think most carefully about these points.

I cannot conceal that I am deeply disturbed by your latest communication. You asked for my advice. I have set it out and hope that even at this late stage you will take it into account before events are irrevocable. Reagan told Thatcher before anyone else that the invasion would begin in a few hours, but ignored her complaints. She publicly supported the U. Reagan phoned to apologize for the miscommunication, and the long-term friendly relationship endured. In , the British defence secretary Michael Heseltine , a prominent critic of the Special Relationship and a supporter of European integration , resigned over his concern that a takeover of Britain's last helicopter manufacturer by a US firm would harm the British defence industry.

All in all, Britain's needs figured more prominently in American thinking strategy than anyone else. At crucial moments in the late s, her influence was considerable in shifting perceptions in President Reagan's Washington about the credibility of Mr Gorbachev when he repeatedly asserted his intention to end the Cold War. That mercurial, much-discussed phenomenon, 'the special relationship,' enjoyed an extraordinary revival during the s, with 'slips' like the US invasion of Grenada in apart, the Thatcher-Reagan partnership outstripping all but the prototype Roosevelt-Churchill duo in its warmth and importance.

In his personal diary, George H. Bush wrote that his first impression of Thatcher was she was principled but very difficult. Bush also wrote that Thatcher, "talks all the time when you're in a conversation.

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It's a one-way street. Despite having developed a warm relation with Reagan, whom Bush had served under as vice president, Thatcher never developed a similar sense of camaraderie with Bush. At the time that Bush took office in , Thatcher was politically under siege by both political opposition, as well as from forces within her own party. Bush was anxious to manage the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe in a manner that would produce order and stability.

Bush therefore used a trip to Brussels to demonstrate the heightened attention that his administration planned to allocate towards US-German relations. Thus, rather than giving Thatcher the precedence which Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom were accustomed to receiving from US Presidents, he met with the president of the European Commission first, leaving Thatcher, "cooling her heels".

This irritated Thatcher. In , after Bush proposed a reduction in US troops stationed in Europe, Thatcher lectured Bush on the importance of freedom. Bush came out of this encounter asking, "Why does she have any doubt that we feel this way on this issue? In the midst of the invasion of Kuwait , Thatcher advised Bush that, "this is no time to go wobbly.

REAGAN THATCHER STATE

Thatcher lost her premiership in November However, to Bush's displeasure, she continued attempting to involve herself in diplomacy between the West and the Soviet Union. Bush took particular offence to a speech Thatcher gave after leaving office in which she claimed that she and Ronald Reagan were responsible for ending the Cold War. In reaction to this speech, Helmut Kohl sent Bush a note proclaiming that Thatcher was crazy. As had started becoming apparent in Thatcher's last few years of premiership, the Special Relationship had begun to wane for a time with the passing of the Cold War , despite intensive co-operation in the Gulf War.

Thus, while it remained the case that "On almost all issues, Britain and the US are on the same side of the table. You cannot say that for other important allies such as France, Germany or Japan", [] it was also acknowledged that "The disappearance of a powerful common threat, the Soviet Union , has allowed narrower disputes to emerge and given them greater weight. Republican administrations had typically worked well with Conservative governments, and the new Democratic President Bill Clinton intended to maintain the Special Relationship. But he and Major did not prove compatible. A genuine crisis in transatlantic relations blew up over Bosnia.

By October , Warren Christopher was bristling that Washington policy makers had been too " Eurocentric ", and declared that Western Europe was "no longer the dominant area of the world". Seitz , demurred, insisting it was far too early to put a "tombstone" over the Special Relationship. State Department official described Bosnia in the spring of as the worst crisis with the British and French since Suez.

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan | SpringerLink

The nadir had now been reached, and, along with NATO enlargement and the Croatian offensive in that opened the way for NATO bombing , the strengthening Clinton-Major relationship was later credited as one of three developments that saved the Western alliance. John Major carried a lot of water for me and for the alliance over Bosnia.

I know he was under a lot of political pressure at home, but he never wavered. He was a truly decent guy who never let me down. We worked really well together, and I got to like him a lot. A rift opened in a further area. Justice Department and the FBI all opposed the move on the grounds that it made the United States look "soft on terrorism" and "could do irreparable damage to the special relationship". Patrick's Day , despite the fact the paramilitaries had not agreed to disarm. In November , Clinton became only the second US president ever to address both Houses of Parliament , [] but, by the end of Major's premiership, disenchantment with the Special Relationship had deepened to the point where the incoming British ambassador Christopher Meyer banned the "hackneyed phrase" from the embassy.

The election of British prime minister Tony Blair in brought an opportunity to revive what Clinton called the two nations' "unique partnership". At his first meeting with his new partner, the president said: "Over the last fifty years our unbreakable alliance has helped to bring unparalleled peace and prosperity and security.

It's an alliance based on shared values and common aspirations. Co-operation in defence and communications still had the potential to embarrass Blair, however, as he strove to balance it with his own leadership role in the European Union EU.


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  6. Bush in , further served to highlight the Special Relationship. Despite their political differences on non-strategic matters, their shared beliefs and responses to the international situation formed a commonality of purpose following the September 11 attacks in New York and Washington, D. Blair, like Bush, was convinced of the importance of moving against the perceived threat to world peace and international order, famously pledging to stand "shoulder to shoulder" with Bush:.

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    This is not a battle between the United States of America and terrorism, but between the free and democratic world and terrorism. We therefore here in Britain stand shoulder to shoulder with our American friends in this hour of tragedy, and we, like them, will not rest until this evil is driven from our world. In a speech to the United States Congress , nine days after the attacks, Bush declared "America has no truer friend than Great Britain.

    Blair's presence at the presidential speech remains the only time in U. Congress, a testimony to the strength of the U. Following that speech, Blair embarked on two months of diplomacy, rallying international support for military action. Blair's leadership role in the Iraq War helped him to sustain a strong relationship with Bush through to the end of his time as prime minister, but it was unpopular within his own party and lowered his public approval ratings.